Pro-Israelists ‘Herd shaming’ Jews

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“What’s wrong with you people?! Why do you tear down other Jews instead of building them up? We have to be united.”

Translation: “How dare you disagree with us?! Why do you tear down our ideology instead of blindly agreeing with us? We can’t allow any dissent.”

The above comment with its accompanying between-the-lines translation is indicative of the attitudes of many. The call for “unity” in the name of Jewish brotherhood being a seemingly invincible trump card to counter all criticism of Zionism.

Herd shaming has become de rigueur for Pro-Israelists, a convenient and fun-filled way to instantly label dissenting opinions as heartless and their proponents as self-hating Jews.

The method in which some plead for rapprochement is telling.

“Why even talk about it? The state is here for over close to seventy years, any talk is superfluous. Let’s just live together in peace.”

Notice the undertone of the message. “We’ve won. Just admit defeat graciously and move on. Stop talking about it.”

“Can’t we all just get along?” is the standard liturgy for Zionist supporters. The victors, Zionists, affably tell the losers, anti-Zionists, that it’s time Judaism, untouched by nationalist tendencies, threw in the towel, G-d forbid.

The denouement of this opera is that the victorious creed will allow the vanquished Torah Jew to believe in something but, from now on, there will be a new hierarchy. State first, G-d second.

One god, under nation.

“Unity” is a useful word. Those who can’t/won’t agree to the new Unity’s terms can automatically designated as impossibly contentious, unwilling to live and let live. It’s akin to one combatant offering “peace” in terms that he knows are impossible for the other side to accept.

“Israel”, incidentally, is a masterful practitioner of this style.

Following the prevailing logic, casting doubt on the “Israel” is subversive and clinging to what they considering a troublesome and inexplicably tenacious position become symptoms of baseless hatred against fellow Jews, a hackneyed allegation.

To level with our readers, True Torah Jews does what it does because of its concern for the safety and well-being of other Jews in particular and the world in general.

They fight so Judaism’s authenticity won’t be muddied or lost. The unity that’s being promoted by anti-Zionist detractors is that of a mass of lemmings racing headlong into oblivion.

With the death toll of Jews alone nearing fifty thousand since the establishment of the state, the price of “unity” seems to be rising inexorably higher.

Solidarity amongst Jews is a good thing. If it were to be characterized by Torah values and a commitment to truth.

Today, though, this concept is an oratorical weapon brandished at those who won’t tow the party line. For those who won’t drink the Kool-Aid.
Asking for the Pro-“Israel” Lobby to reconsider their views is far-fetched at the moment, but we at True Torah Jews do have one request.

Just say what you actually mean instead of camouflaging it in the guise of brotherly harmony.

Key Senate Committee Advances Pro-Terrorist Israel Measures

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Antisemitic cartoon? Not I, I don’t hate Arabs!

 Great news: our Zionist occupied government just keep feeding itself and the rest of it’s parasites instead of real people.

On Sept. 7, the Senate Appropriations Committee advanced a number of pro-Israel measures in the Fiscal Year 2018 State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Appropriations Bill.

The bill provides $3.1 billion in annual security assistance to Israel—fully meeting America’s commitment under the current ‘Memorandum of Understanding’ between the two countries. It also provides Israel with $7.5 million for assisting with refugee resettlement.

The legislation maintains key restrictions on help to the Palestinians and adopted the Taylor Force Act, bipartisan legislation that cuts funding for assistance that directly benefits the Palestinian Authority due to its ongoing practice of providing payments to convicted “terrorists” and the families of those who died while committing acts of “terrorism” against Israelis and Americans.
In other words, the landowners are being starved while the parasite gets fat.
Learn more about our ‘special relationship’ with this parasite.

The World Conquerors; The Real War Criminals

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“Excellent overview of the origins and history of today’s “deep state”, “shadow government” string pullers.”


Excerpt from pg 134

ON May 9th, 1945, the revenge of Jehovah was turned loose over Europe. The planes of the British and American Air Forces were still called “liberators “, but Eisenhower announced: “We are not coming here as liberators but as conquerors.”

But were the Americans, in fact, the real victors? In the wake of the advancing American forces a sinister fifth column followed, the members of which in ninety-nine percent of cases were not Americans.

This revengeful army was made up of emigrants from Eastern European countries, of black-market operators from Brooklyn ghettos, of Czech, Polish and Hungarian Jews who took refuge in London and of criminal inmates from the liberated concentration camps.

They filled all major and minor posts in the C.I.C. organized according to the Morgenthau Plan (a.k.a. The Jewish plan to rid the world of Germans);

they swarmed in the O.S.S., in the various commissions searching for war criminals, as well as in the American security organizations.

They became mayors of German towns and commandants of P.O.W. camps. They administered La Guardia’s U.N.R.R.A. They occupied key positions in the American forces and thus exercised control over them.

There were only 2,524 German war criminals on the original list of the U.N., but soon the C.I.C. and the American conquerors were conducting a search for one million German “war criminals”.

At first the Soviets wanted to shoot 50,000 Germans summarily, then they proposed to bring 200,000 “war criminals” to trial at Nuremberg.

Simultaneously, the conquering flood began to move eastwards. A mass of several hundred thousand released from the concentration camps surged towards Poland, Hungary, Rumania and Yugoslavia, to become officers in the Communist police forces and other terror organisations and to assume judicial powers in the people’s tribunals and so be able to pass sentence upon innocent people in an orgy of revenge.

They were welcomed with open arms by the Soviet M.V.D. (115) who were in control of the Eastern European countries. The pattern was everywhere the same. In the forefront there was either an American, a Soviet or a French general but in each case a Jewish deputy dogged his heels.

Actually, Europe did not fall under the Russians, British or Americans, but under Jewish occupation. Everything that had rightly or wrongly belonged to Europe for 2,000 years now disintegrated.

The avengers continued doing (but more cruelly) the very things they had set down as crimes against Hitler. This was no occupation by the forces of American democracy or Bolshevism but by those of a victorious Jewish nationalism glowing with hatred.

Ensconced in key positions among the occupying powers, they were able to punish everyone, whether innocent or guilty. In their eyes there was but one crime ~ to have opposed, or to be in a position to oppose ~ Jewish nationalism.

To be a Jew in Europe became a greater privilege than any enjoyed by even reigning princes of the Middle Ages. The railway stations were guarded by special Jewish police and an identity check of Jews could be carried out by Jewish police only.

They received their food ration cards without queueing. For a while, immediately after the war, only Jews received travelling passes, thus securing for themselves free movement and the unrestricted monopoly of the black market. In the refugee camps they were the chief caterers for U.N.R.R.A. as well as the privileged beneficiaries of this relief.

Thus, they snatched the best rations from Poles, Ukrainians and Czechs, their former fellow-prisoners in the concentration camps. At the same time, on the roads, military policemen overturned cans and spilled milk to deprive German children and hospital patients
of their diet.

In German cities, working-class families were turned out of their homes by the tens of thousands, thus rendering vacant the nicest workers’ settlements. The victims had to leave behind everything ~ furniture, kitchen equipment and cooking utensils, clothing and even linen, thus forcing the German people to recompense three times over in the form of Wiedergutmachung (reparations) the actual value of the goods confiscated from the Jews.

Uniformed Zionist guards were posted at camp gates and, at first, for a while, even the Military Police of the victorious American Army could not enter Jewish camps. Victorious Jewish nationalism was granted (116) similar rights in the East, in Slovakia, in some parts of Rumania, in Hungary and Bohemia.

They took possession of the flats and furniture of the Gentiles, occupied key positions in government offices and in editorial posts of the national press. Concurrently, former Jewish journalists returned to Germany and took complete charge of the newspapers of the occupied zones, and began to incite revenge upon the German nation on its own soil.

“It is from us that the all-engulfing terror proceeds…” wrote the Protocols fifty years ago. And now, backed by Soviet and American arms, the most dreadful terror descended on Europe, often without the Americans and English being aware of it. Hitlerism and the war was finished with, but neither peace nor law and order or justice or democracy were restored.

The Western and Eastern Jew set out hand-in-hand to liquidate the Christian upper classes who had succeeded in escaping to the West from Bolshevism. These were considered unreliable people. Vlassov’s Cossacks, for instance, wanted to fight against Bolshevism. But whoever resists Bolshevism is actually fighting one section of the Jewish world-kingdom.

These Cossacks knew very well who were the commissars of the collective farms (kolkhoz) before whom the Russian peasant had to go down on his knees. In 1940, they had seen the “Russian” M.V.D. entering Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania and thus knew the Jews almost exclusively organised the deportation of tens of thousands of unfortunate people from these small Baltic states. These people were dangerous because they had witnessed certain things. These witnesses must be slain!

How can one account for the fate of Vlassov’s Cossacks otherwise than by Jewish nationalism operating behind the visible power. How else could such inhumanity be accounted for when British democracy allowed armed military police to deploy against thousands of unarmed Cossacks?

“I was calling on Vlassov,” writes Laszlo Gaal, a Hungarian journalist, “when a lieutenant wearing a German uniform and whose forehead was bathed in blood, burst into the small country cottage and reported direct to the general standing amongst his three staff officers: “‘Sir,everything is lost! We are to be handed over to the Bolsheviks!'” (117)

You who are reading this book did not see the P.O.W. camp with its fourteen feet high wire fencing and its wooden barracks. You never heard that cry of despair when the white-belted and white-helmeted military police came to hand the Cossacks over.

Tear gas bombs had to be thrown into every room. The Cossacks hurriedly knotted their shirts into ropes to hang themselves before the military police could force its way in.

They barricaded the doors, then broke in the windows and fought for every piece of broken glass in order to cut open their veins. Old friends tried to cut each other’s throats. Those unable to die this way tore off their shirts, offering their bared breast, shouting; “Shoot here, for I am not going back to Soviet Russia.” (Pittsburgi Magyarsag, July 2nd, 1954.) (Also Magyarok Utja, edited in Argentina.)

The clamour of the same executioners was heard throughout Europe from the English Channel to the Black Sea. It was not Nazism that had to be liquidated now, but the leaders of the Christian nations irrespective of political creed or party.

Those who rounded up “war criminals” by the ten thousand and tortured both guilty and innocent in their jails were, almost exclusively, Jews. The commandants, captains and secret agents in the jails for “war criminals” at Salzburg and other places, as well as in the notorious Marcus Camp were, almost without exception, Jews dressed in American uniform.

According toa Jugoslav refugee who had been in the camp at Klagenfurt, its British Commandant, who handed over “war criminals” and compelled them by force to return to Communist dictatorship, proudly put a notice on his desk sporting the inscription “I AM A JEW!”

The Jews handed patriots over to the gallows and to the common grave. They handed over 100,000 gallant soldiers of the Croatian Army to the partisans of Tito and to Moša Pijade, who summarily executed them all.


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The Palestinians did not leave their homeland to invade anyone

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The Zionists invaded Palestine

“The repression from Israel is the worst form of Apartheid. Nobody has the faintest idea of what is going on here, even the best informed people. Everything is in pieces, the land is destroyed and nothing else may be planted. All this smells like a boot camp, like Auschwitz. The israeli have turned into NAZI JEWS” , he declared after a visit to Palestina in March, 2002.

The Haganah’s Operation Nahshon, designed to carve out a corridor to Jerusalem through this territory, which had been allotted to the Arab state under the partition plan, began on 6 April 1948.

It was the first operation within the framework of Plan Dalet, which aimed to enlarge the boundaries of the state allotted to the Zionists under the UN partition plan and simultaneously conquer dozens of villages from which the Palestinian Arab inhabitants would be expelled.

 Benny Morris describes Operation Nahshon as “a watershed, characterized by an intention and effort to clear a whole area, permanently, of Arab villages and hostile or potentially hostile villagers.”

Yitzhak Rabin, then an officer in the Palmach’s Harel Brigade, had the mission of razing the Palestinian villages upon which ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Husayni relied for support, from Dayr Mahsir in the west to Kolonia and Kastel in the east.

Rabin later explained the ultimate goal of the operation as follows: “By not leaving stone on stone and driving all the people away, and without those villages, the Arab bands were not going to be able to operate effectively anymore.”

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Dayr Yasin massacre

As their contribution to Operation Nahshon, Irgun and Lehi perpetrated the Dayr Yasin massacre on 9 April 1948.
The Haganah had prior knowledge of, and even assisted in, the attack on the village, strategically located one mile from Jerusalem’s western suburbs near the Jerusalem-Tel Aviv road.

The killings of the unarmed civilians after their surrender were gratuitously savage, and there were numerous instances of rape and, to quote a British police detective who investigated the massacre, other “sexual atrocities.”

Jacques de Reynier, Jerusalem’s chief delegate of the International Red Cross, reported that the Jewish forces carried out the attack “without any military reason or provocation of any kind.”

Indeed, Dayr Yasin was one of several Arab villages in the area that had concluded nonbelligerency agreements with Jewish Jerusalem. News of the attack spread quickly throughout Palestine.

De Reynier observed that the “general terror” was “astutely fostered by the Jews,”  with Haganah radio incessantly repeating “Remember Dayr Yasin” and loudspeaker vans broadcasting messages in Arabic such as: “Unless you leave your homes, the fate of Dayr Yasin will be your fate.”

The massacre had an immediate impact on the situation in West Jerusalem. As Hala Sakakini of Qatamon wrote in her diary:

Lately, ever since the massacre at Dayr Yasin, we have been thinking seriously of leaving Jerusalem. The most terrible stories have been reached from eyewitnesses who have escaped from this unbelievable massacre…. One day, perhaps very soon, we may be forced to leave our house.

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This home in Talbiyya, originally owned by Palestinian Hanna Bisharat, was taken over by the Israeli Foreign Ministry. It served as Golda Meir’s residence in 1968, when she made the infamous statement “There is no such thing as a Palestinian people.”

Despite the National Committee of Jerusalem’s order to the Arab population to stay put on pain of punishment, the massacre immediately provoked a mass flight of Palestinian Arabs from Jerusalem and the surrounding villages.

The impact of Dayr Yasin on the Arab neighborhood of Talbiyya is clearly rendered in the following testimony of an Israeli who witnessed its evacuation as a child:

I lived not far from here [Talbiyya]. Dayr Yasin had a huge influence on the evacuation of Talbiyya. The Arabs were scared to death. They left their meals on their tables and the Haganah requested people in our neighborhood to clean the houses so that Jews could move into them.

There were really meals still on the tables. The Arabs thought it was a matter of two or three days before they would return to their homes, as had happened in 1936 and 1939.

With Operation Nahshon having cleared the corridor leading to Jerusalem, the Haganah General Command was poised to take control of West Jerusalem excluding the areas under British control.

This was among the goals of Operation Yevussi, carried out by the Haganah’s Etzioni Brigade and Palmach units as of 27 April.

As a precursor to its attack on Qatamon, the Zionist forces subjected the neighborhood to weeks of heavy artillery shelling.  On 22 April, the Arab National Committee of Jerusalem ordered its local branches to relocate all women, children, and elderly people from the neighborhoods.

The Haganah’s conquest of Qatamon on 1 May was followed by widespread looting. Hagit Shlonsky provides an eyewitness account:

I remember the looting in Qatamon very well. I was a first aid nurse stationed in the Beit Havra’a Etzion [military convalescence center] in Qatamon…. One night a soldier took me out and showed me around the neighborhood. I was stunned by the beauty of the houses. I went into one house-it was beautiful, with a piano, and carpets, and wonderful chandeliers.

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Palestinian home in Qatamon

At the time my family lived in Rehavia on a street that was on the way to other Jewish neighborhoods from Qatamon. For days you could see people walking by carrying looted goods…. I saw them walking by for days.

Not only soldiers, civilians as well. They were looting like mad. They were even carrying dining tables. And it was in broad daylight, so everyone could see….

In our family, because my father was so outraged by the looting, we all talked about it a lot. But otherwise I didn’t hear about it from anybody. It took many years till people started all talking and writing about it.

On 16 May, the Zionist forces took over Baq’a, an event described in the memoirs of John Rose, an Armenian Jerusalemite:

There was no resistance of any sort; they just walked in, gradually taking over buildings in strategic places. Nearly every house was empty: set tables with plates of unfinished food indicated that the occupants had fled in disarray, haste, and fear.

In some kitchens cooking stoves had been left alight, reducing the ingredients of a waiting meal to blackened remains.

After the fall of the Arab neighborhoods of West Jerusalem, only about 750 non-Jews remained in the area.  Of these, many were Greeks who were allowed to continue living in their houses in the German Colony and the Greek Colony.

Almost all the Arabs-most of whom were Christian-were concentrated by the Zionist forces into Upper Baq’a.

Meanwhile, Operation Kilshon (“Pitchfork”) had begun on 14 May, the day before the British Mandate was to end, and was designed to occupy the areas that had been controlled by the British, particularly Talbiyya and central Jerusalem.

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Looting ‘Ayn Karim by newly arrived persecuted European Jews 1948

Complicity of British troops helped ensure this operation’s success. Through coordinating their withdrawal, the British handed over to the Haganah “Bevingrad,” the huge central compound consisting of the city’s vital installations.

They also secured the Haganah’s occupation of the strategically positioned Villa Harun al-Rashid in Talbiyya, which served as the command base for the Royal Air Force and which towered over the neighborhood.

With control of this central area extending beyond Bevingrad to Musrara, Jewish forces now occupied all of West Jerusalem.


With Ben-Gurion’s declaration on 14 May of the establishment of Israel, the Jewish state in Palestine, with no specified borders, Transjordan-along with Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, and Syria-decided to attack.

Two days later, Jordan’s well-trained Arab Legion, officered by the British and under the command of Glubb Pasha, arrived on the outskirts of Jerusalem.

At first, Glubb resisted the calls for help from the local Palestinians, under attack from Zionist forces, which had breached the walls of the Old City in an effort to link up with the Hagannah garrison in the Jewish Quarter under siege by the Palestinians.

Only after strong Arab pressure and desperate cries for help from the local population did King ‘Abdallah order Glubb to advance into Jerusalem on 19 May.

It was the entry, however reluctant, of King ‘Abdallah’s troops that prevented the Zionist forces from completing their progressive takeover of the city.

‘Abdallah’s secret arrangement with the Zionists concerning the division of Palestine has been amply documented, but since the UN plan had designated Jerusalem a corpus separatum, it was not covered by the deal.

Avi Shlaim believes that fighting between the Transjordanian and Israeli forces broke out in and around Jerusalem precisely because the two sides had not reached an understanding regarding the city.

This is not the place to rehearse the fierce fighting over the Old City, which by the end of May was completely under Arab control, or the intense disappointment of the Arab soldiers of the Legion who were prevented by their British superiors from attacking West Jerusalem.

 At the end of May, Britain ended all Arab hopes of pressing forward by withdrawing all its Arab Legion officers-two-thirds of the total-from the fighting in Jerusalem and imposing a regional arms embargo that favored the Israelis.

For their part, the Israelis in West Jerusalem were under renewed siege and constant bombardment by the Arab Legion. On 11 June, both sides agreed to a thirty-day truce.

Some Jewish residents of West Jerusalem used the cease-fire as an opportunity to loot more empty Arab houses. John Rose, one of the few non-Jews who had remained in West Jerusalem, reported:

Our movements were restricted, but Jewish residents from the western suburbs and elsewhere were allowed to circulate freely. During this time looting of Arab houses started on a fantastic scale, accompanied by wholesale vindictive destruction of property.

First it was the army who broke into the houses, searching for people and for equipment that they could use. Next came those in search of food, after which valuables and personal effects were taken.

From our veranda we saw horse-drawn carts as well as pick-up trucks laden with pianos, refrigerators, radios, paintings, ornaments and furniture, some wrapped in valuable Persian carpets…. Safes with money and jewelry were pried open and emptied.

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Jews with children : ” a’looting we will go”

The loot was transported for private use or for sale in West Jerusalem. To us this was most upsetting. Our friends’ houses were being ransacked, and we were powerless to intervene.

. . . This state of affairs continued for months. Latecomers made do with what remained to be pillaged. They pried off ceramic tiles from bathroom walls and removed all electric switches and wiring, kitchen gadgets, water-pipes and fittings. Nothing escaped: lofts and cellars were broken into, doors and windows hacked down, floor tiles removed in search of hidden treasures. [51]

Meanwhile, Palestinian Arabs in the Old City, including many who had been displaced from West Jerusalem, used the lull in the fighting to escape to safer areas. Their flight and the consequent desolation visited upon the Old City is described in the diaries of Greek vice consul in Jerusalem, C. X. Mavrides:

What characterized more the Old City during the four weeks of the truce was the exodus of the noncombatant population from the city who took refuge in the countryside, the surrounding villages and towns such as Ramallah, Jericho and Bethlehem, or Transjordan.

From morning till evening the streets were full of porters and pack-animals, belonging to the Ta’amreh and A’bed tribes, who were carrying furniture, household utensils, mattresses, clothing, etc., from different parts of the city and heading to Damascus Gate.

The exodus was like an ongoing chain of animals, porters, women, aged people, children-all of them carrying something under the burning July sun. As the time limit for the “truce” was approaching, this chain of people and animals was getting denser and denser every day.

On Friday, 10 July, as the truce had expired (8:00 A.M.), the Old City became empty of population. Out of a population of 60,000 plus the nearly 10,000 refugees who came from the new city suburbs, it is estimated that today about 5,000 to 7,000 only remain. Most of them are very poor, and they have absolutely no money at all to move away.

At the end of the cease-fire, IDF and Arab Legion cannons exchanged furious gunfire inside Jerusalem, and the Israeli troops launched a final abortive attack on the Old City.

With the artillery brought in during the cease-fire, the IDF shelled the Old City intensely, inflicting extensive damage but this time causing a low casualty rate because so many had fled.

By then, the Palestinians viewed the Arab Legion with a large measure of skepticism, as related by John Rose:

The stalemate was intriguing and the intensity of fruitless daily bombing aroused suspicion. Rumors soon spread that perhaps after all there was a secret agreement between the sides and that the noise we heard was only a sideshow for the benefit of the population.

The Arab Legion was accused of using ammunition filled with bran and sawdust intended to cause minimum damage to the enemy.


On 17 July 1948, after a week of fighting, a second UN-arranged cease-fire went into effect in Jerusalem. By then, the city was effectively divided into the Israeli-controlled West and the Transjordanian-controlled East.

A belt of no-man’s land ran south from Shaykh Jarrah, along the west side of the Old City’s walls, and down Hebron Road to Ramat Rahel. The next month, Israel’s provisional government declared West Jerusalem “territory occupied by the State of Israel” subject to Israeli law.

 The state used the Absentee Property Regulations of 1948 to confiscate all Arab homes, including any contents that had not already been looted, as well as lands and businesses.

These regulations, later codified as the Absentee Property Law of 1950, allowed all property belonging to an “absentee” to be transferred to the Custodian of Absentee Property.

An “absentee” was defined as a person who, at any time between 29 November 1947 and the day on which the state of emergency declared in 1948 ceases to exist, became a national or citizen of an Arab country, visited an Arab country, or left his ordinary place of residence in Palestine “for a place outside Palestine before 1 September 1948.”

The status of the custodian, according to the law, is the same “as was that of the owner of the property,” enabling him to choose to maintain the property, sell it, or lease it.

Even before the first cease-fire in June, the Housing Committee began settling Israeli Jews in elegant Palestinian neighborhoods such as Qatamon and the German Colony.

It was not until September, however, that this policy was carried out systematically. New immigrants, the first category of Israelis to be settled, were housed in the German Colony, Qatamon, Baq’a, Musrara, Dayr Abu Tur, and Talbiyya.

Arnon Golan writes that the policy was not so much a result of the lack of alternative housing as a political strategy:

The population by Jews of former Arab neighborhoods was supposed to create facts on the ground, after which it would be difficult to alter them in the framework of a political agreement.

New immigrants, so very dependent, were the government’s and the Jewish Agency’s primary reserve for housing these neighborhoods.

Internal Israeli politics also played a role in the resettlement. Again according to Golan, the ruling Mapai party, whose standing was weak among the veteran Jewish population of Jerusalem, was eager to move immigrants into the city to strengthen its position there.

موسم البرتقال اليافاوي القدس، فلسطين ١٩٣٠ Jaffa's Orange season Jerusalem, Palestine 1930 Temporada de Orange de Jaffa Jerusalén, Palestina 1930

Palestinian Jerusalem

To encourage them to settle in Jerusalem where conditions were relatively difficult, the Israeli government provided incentives, such as exemption from army service.

So zealously did the Jewish Agency settle new immigrants in Palestinians’ houses that its officials clashed with those of the Custodian.

Not only did the Jewish Agency misreport to the Custodian concerning the Arab houses in which it was settling new immigrants, but it also took property without authorization from these homes and handed it over to the Jewish Agency’s New Immigrant Authority.

  The new immigrants, for their part, were more than willing to move into the spacious Palestinian homes.

So much so that when immigrants were told that they would be housed in the Jewish neighborhood of Neve Sha’anan, some refused to move there, saying they preferred to live in the villas of Qatamon.

As the new immigrants flooded into West Jerusalem, an acute housing crisis developed. On 15 September 1948, Military Governor Dov Joseph reported that 5,000 Jews in West Jerusalem needed housing.

As Qatamon and the German Colony already were overcrowded, Jews began to be housed in Baq’a and the Greek Colony. Many of those lacking housing grew impatient and broke into and squatted in empty houses in Qatamon.

Other squatters had housing elsewhere but simply wanted to improve their living conditions by moving into the more spacious Arab homes.

According to Golan, among the squatters were Israeli officers who broke into Arab buildings and arbitrarily took apartments for themselves.

Some soldiers had two apartments: one in the city center and one in Arab neighborhoods, which they rented out for considerable sums. By early 1950, the Israeli housing authorities authorized almost all the squatters, soldier and civilian, to remain in the Palestinian homes they had broken into.

Newly arrived persecuted European Jews strolling in Jaffa, 1949

Throughout the process of Israeli settlement, looting remained a problem, as reported by the military governor of Jerusalem, Dov Joseph, in a letter to Ben-Gurion:

The looting is spreading once again…. I cannot verify all the reports which reach me, but I get the distinct impression that the commanders are not over-eager to catch and punish the thieves…. I receive complaints every day

. By way of example, I enclose a copy of a letter I received from the manager of the Notre Dame de France. Behavior like this in a monastery can cause quite serious harm to us

. I’ve done my best to put a stop to the thefts there, which are all done by soldiers, since civilians are not permitted to enter the place. But as you can see from this letter, these acts are continuing. I am powerless. [67]

In mid-September 1948, the Israeli military erected a barbed-wire fence around a half-square-mile area in Baq’a, where they further concentrated the Palestinian Arabs who had remained in West Jerusalem.

During daylight hours, they were permitted to roam around the compound, but at night they were under curfew. Israeli marauders broke through the fence to steal what they could from the “non-Jews.”

Newly arrived Bulgarian Jews in the ethnically cleansed Palestinian village of al-Bassa, 1950. via

In addition, gangs of Israeli soldiers burst into the houses on the pretext that they were looking for “hidden arms and Arabs” and proceeded to extort money, jewelry, and other valuables.

Because of the housing shortage, some Jews defied the military authorities’ separation policy and rented rooms from non-Jews in the concentration zone.

It was not until November 1949 that the restrictions on movement of the Palestinians confined to the Baq’a zone were lifted, and they were permitted to circulate in West Jerusalem.

They were issued Israeli identity cards and, together with the villagers of divided Bayt Safafa on the Israeli side of the armistice lines, constituted the small Palestinian Arab minority of West Jerusalem.

The Custodian of Absentee Property confiscated the homes of many Arabs in the Baq’a zone and forced them to pay rent to the Israeli state. Rose recorded the confiscation of his aunt’s property in Baq’a as follows:

This [Absentee Property] law finally caught up with Aunt Arousiag and she was informed by the Custodian of Enemy Property that she had no rights in the house.

She was to be treated as a tenant, and a demand for rent was sent to her for the two rooms which she occupied; furthermore, rents collected by her were to be handed over to the Custodian.

The owner had been her late brother, Hagop…. She had lived there since it was built by her brother at the turn of the century, and had ploughed most of her earnings into the building. Unfortunately her pleas fell on deaf ears.


The formal cessation of hostilities between Israel and the Arab states at the end of November 1948 allowed the expansion of Jewish settlement into Jerusalem’s Arab neighborhoods that hitherto had been military zones.

Israel stepped up settlement further in defiant reaction to UNGA Resolution 194 (III) of 11 December 1948, Paragraph 11 of which called for the return of refugees to their homes; the resolution also reaffirmed the corpus separatum for Jerusalem.

Four days later, Jerusalem Military Governor Dov Joseph reported to the Governor’s Council that, in order to counter the UN refusal to include Jerusalem in the State of Israel’s borders, he had ordered the immediate expansion of Jewish housing areas into territories abandoned by Arabs that thus far had not been populated by Jews.

The first such area to be settled was the vicinity of the commercial center in Mamilla.

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The original Mamilla Street extended from the Mamilla Pool to Jaffa Gate. Along this street, wealthy Arabs constructed homes, offices and stores in the 1800s. Toward the end of the 19th century, the street became a fashionable commercial district. Both Arab and Jewish businessmen operated high-end shops for furniture, textiles, housewares, art, photography, and automobile showrooms.

On 2 February 1949, the Israeli government declared that it no longer considered West Jerusalem as occupied territory and abolished military rule.

That same month, Israel and Transjordan began negotiations over Jerusalem and the rest of the territory along their front lines. Throughout the negotiations, the Israelization of West Jerusalem proceeded.

To lessen the scope of potential Israeli compromises in the event of a peace agreement, Moshe Dayan ordered that the frontier neighborhood of Dayr Abu Tur be settled, together with Talpiot and Ramat Rachel.

Dayan’s directive was designed to preempt pressure on Israel from the UN-chaired armistice commission to relinquish control over the southern Jerusalem-Bethlehem road.

 As happened in other Arab neighborhoods that were opened up to settlement, buildings and homes in the Dayr Abu Tur area were looted.

Meanwhile, Israel as of early 1949 had begun transferring government offices from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. A major aspect of the transfer was the relocation of thousands of government clerks, who received preferential treatment in the allocation of housing.

On 12 April 1949, a high-level government meeting was held in the Israeli Defense Ministry to discuss the housing of government clerks in Jerusalem.

It was decided that 400 apartment units be allocated to the clerks and that they be given priority in choosing apartments in the neighborhoods of Baq’a, the German Colony, and the Greek Colony.

Shaul Avigur, one of Ben-Gurion’s closest advisers, was to be the absolute arbitrator in any dispute. As part of settling and resettling new immigrants in alternative sites, the Absorption Department was granted authority over Musrara and Lower Lifta.

 Following this decision, new immigrants were allocated housing only in neighborhoods reserved for government clerks in those apartments that were in such bad shape that the cost of renovation was too high.

Houses in the elegant neighborhood of Talbiyya were reserved exclusively for senior officials and those with important connections, such as judges and professors at Hebrew University.

Out of political considerations, though, government clerks were sometimes placed in less desirable neighborhoods. Clerks of the Ministry of Provisioning and Rationing were housed in Dayr Abu Tur, adjacent to the demarcation line.

These houses were in terrible condition due to the intense fighting that had been waged in the neighborhood, and there still existed a danger of sniper fire. Still, a decision was taken to house the clerks in Dayr Abu Tur because of Israel’s goal to settle Jews throughout the full area of Jerusalem under its control.

Many of these clerks requested to be rehoused in Qatamon where the expansive houses were in better condition. In the end, senior-ranking officials succeeded in being housed in Qatamon, while regular clerks remained in Dayr Abu Tur.

To provide for the ever-increasing number of Jewish residents in Jerusalem, the Israeli government opened many new schools and health service facilities, mostly in buildings owned by Palestinians.

The Histadrut opened dozens of schools in Musrara, Baq’a, the German Colony, and ‘Ayn Karim.  To stimulate Jewish Jerusalem’s economy, new small industries and businesses were given special loans to lure them to the city.

The Custodian of Absentee Property handed over many buildings to be renovated for workshops, mostly in Mamilla, while additional ones were set up in the German Colony and the Greek Colony. [80]

While these activities had been proceeding, Israel made its second application for UN membership in late February 1949.

After the Security Council rejected its first application for admission on 17 December 1948, Abba Eban, Israel’s UN representative, repeatedly assured the UNGA that his government intended to comply with the resolutions pertaining to Jerusalem.

Testifying before the UN’s Ad Hoc Political Committee after concern was expressed about the transfer of government offices to Jerusalem, Eban assured them that “No juridical facts whatever were created by such steps, which were dictated not by a desire to create new political facts, but to assist Jerusalem and to add economic recovery to the other aspects of its splendid recuperation.”

He also reassured the committee that “the legal status of Jerusalem is different from that of the territory in which Israelis sovereign.”

He even claimed that the holding of the first Israeli Knesset in Jerusalem ten days earlier was based solely on “an historical motive which had nothing whatever to do with the future status of Jerusalem.”

Image result for jewish looting of palestiniaN HOMES

Jews looting Palestinian properties.

Whether or not the United Nations was convinced by Eban’s arguments, Israel was admitted as a new member on 11 May 1949, with the UNGA placing on the record Israel’s “declarations and explanations” regarding the implementation of Resolutions 181 and 194 .

On 13 December, almost seven months to a day after having been admitted to the UN, and several days after yet another UNGA resolution, 303(IV), was passed calling for the internationalization of the city, the Knesset voted officially to declare Jerusalem Israel’s capital and accelerated the transfer of government offices to the city.

By the end of May 1949, all of West Jerusalem’s Arab districts had been settled, at least to some extent, by Jews, most of them new immigrants.

 Henry Cattan estimates that, in all, Israel occupied some 10,000 Arab homes, mostly fully furnished, in West Jerusalem.

Meanwhile, in East Jerusalem, some 7,500 Palestinian refugees from West Jerusalem (out of the total of almost 30,000), including Qatamon, Upper and Lower Baq’a, and Musrara, were living either in the open or temporarily housed in mosques, convents, schools, and Old City houses in ruinous conditions.

Consistent with its stated goal of retaining the “reunified” city of Jerusalem as its “eternal capital,” Israel has settled over 170,000 Israeli Jews on expropriated Palestinian land in East Jerusalem but has not permitted a single Palestinian to return to his or her home in West Jerusalem.